From now until 29 February 2012, do something to urge the authorities to reveal where they are being held and immediately release them!

Who are the three young men?

Nahir Ahung, Rasbi Kasaran (18 years old), and Yusoph Mohammad (18 years old) were teachers at a madraseh (Islamic school). Rasbi Kasaran and Yusoph Mohammad both live in Cambug village in Al-barka municipality where there is a Moro Islamic Liberation Front camp.

What happened to them?

While the Philippine military routinely denies involvement in any case of enforced disappearance, in previous years, our friends at AI have documented the military's use of enforced disappearance against activists, suspected fighters and supporters of insurgent groups.

According to a local credible source, the three men were taken by military intelligence agents after they flew in to the Manila domestic airport terminal from Zamboanga City on 3 January 2012 and they haven’t been heard or seen since then.

According to a reliable source, the arrest of the three men comes weeks after the Armed Forces of the Philippines filed 300 “John Doe” (unnamed) complaint affidavits against 300 residents of Cambug village. In a “John Doe” complaint affidavit or warrant, the authorities do not give the name of the subject of the complaint or arrest.  Because such documents can be used against anyone, they have led to arbitrary arrest and detention.

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Political prisoners in Burma are at risk of torture and ill-treatment – we hear from our friends at AI that seven of them were put in ‘dog cells’ after peaceful protests! Outraged? Scroll down to take action!

What happened at Insein prison?

On May 17
At least three female political prisoners started a hunger strike to protest against the government’s decision to reduce all prison sentences by only one year.

On May 22
22 other political prisoners started a protest about prison conditions. 17 went on hunger strike and five protested in other ways.

On May 24
Seven hunger strikers were put in solitary confinement in dog cells – small cells that were designed for keeping military dogs.

On May 26
They were returned to their usual cells.

On May 27
It was reported that official started talks with the protesters but when the talks broke down, some political prisoners decided to continue the hunger strike and they were put in the dog cells again. Outraged? Scroll down to take action!

Political prisoners in Hkamti prison and Kale prison are also involved in protests and are at risk of torture and ill-treatment too!

What are the ‘dog cells’ like?

The dog cells are about 10 feet in length and seven feet wide. There are no windows and it’s sound proof. There is no proper sanitation, no bed and mats on the floor. One political prisoner who was held in a dog cell said that the space was covered in white lice and smelt like a sewer. Sometimes, as many as four prisoners are forced into one dog cell. Outraged? Scroll down to take action!

YOU(th) can do something about this!

Send letters to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and ask for an end to this! We will deliver your letters by fax and post and copies will be sent to the Chair of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights.

You only have from now until July 14 to do something – let’s get YOU(th) from all over Asia Pacific to make some noise! Add your name quick!

“사람 죽은 일이 거의 매일 있었다.솔직히 말하면 북한은 정상한 사회가 아니다. 시체를 매장해 준 후에 밥 한 공기 얻을 수 있는 걸 생각하면 좀 슬프다고 했다.” 정형일, 요덕 정치범수요소의 입소자

Not much is known about Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, more commonly known as North Korea, but we do know that there are six political prison camps and one of them is Yodok Political Prison Camp. The North Korean government says there are no political prison camps but there are satellite images and testimonies of former detainees to confirm the existence.

일반적으로 조선민주주의인민공화국은  북한으로 알려져있다.북한에 여섯 정치범 수용소 있다. 요덕 정치범 수용소는 그 중의 하나이다. 북한 당국에서 공식적으로 인정치 않지만 위성 이미지 통하여 정치범 수용소의 존재를 확인할 수 있다.

What happens in Yodok?  요덕에서 생긴 일은?

Satellite image of Political Prison Camp 15, North Korea (aka Yodok) 북한15호 정치범 수용소의 위성 이미지(요덕) © 2011 DigitalGlobe, Inc

Forced hard labor, inadequate food, beatings, totally inadequate medical care and unhygienic living conditions.

강제 노동,부족한 식량,학대, 불충분한 의료시설 그리고 불결한 생활환경

Who is in Yodok? 요덕에  있는 사람은?
Around 50,000 people and most are imprisoned without trial or ‘confessed’ after torture. There are two zones in Yodok. Prisoners in the “Revolutionary Zone” are released after serving sentences lasting from a few months to ten years. Prisoners in the “Total-Control Zone” are never released.

요덕수용소에 약 50,000  수감자가 있다 . 그리고 대부분 수감자들이 재판없이 수감되었다.요덕 정치범 수용소는 크게 완전통제구역과 혁명화구역으로 나뉘어져 있다. 혁명화구역은 비교적 가벼운 죄를 지은 사람들 수용되는 곳으로 이중의 일부는 다시 사회로 나올 수 있다. 그런데 완전통제구역은 한번 끌려가면 다시 사회로 돌아 올 수 없는 구역을 말한다.

Some of the prisoners include officials perceived to have performed poorly in their job, people who criticize the regime or the ruling family and anyone suspected of engaging in “anti-government” activities, including listening to TV or radio broadcasts from South Korea.

수용소에 끌려간 이들의 대부분은 근무성적이 나쁘거나 북한체제나 권력자을 비판하거나 혹은 반정부의 활동에 참여한 사람이다.그리고 반정부의 활동에는은 남한의  TV, 라디오방송을 듣는 것도 포함되어 있었다.

Family members of those suspected of crimes are also sent to Yodok. This can include parents, grandparents, sisters, brothers, nieces, nephews and cousins. Infants born in Yodok automatically become inmates, and if they are born in the “Total Control Zone”, they will be there for life. Can you believe this?

게다가  수감자처럼 그의  가족들도 요덕의 수용소으로 같이 끌려간다. 부모, 조부모, 형제자매, 조카와 사촌등 모두 포함하다.뿐만이 아니라 요덕에서 태어난 아가도 자동적으로 수감자가 될 것이다. 만약에 완전통제구역에서 태어난다면 그들은 거기에 떠날 수 있는 기회가 없을 것이다.

이것을 믿을 수 있나요?

Are YOU(th) outraged? DO SOMETHING!

Send letters to the new Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un, call for the closing of Yodok and all other political prison camps and release all prisoners of conscience!

We will add your names to AI’s petition and they will send the letters to them.

We hear that friends in Fiji are at risk of torture and ill-treatment because they were making plans for a peaceful demonstration that was originally scheduled for March 4 – which was called off because of heavy police and military on the site.

During the last two weeks, at least 10 politicians, trade unionists, government critics, and other Fijians have been arrested for no reason, and might have been tortured and ill-treated by the Fijian military. Although they’ve been released, we hear that they are still in danger!

Young people – like YOU(TH) are at risk too!

We also hear that on February 26, seven young men from a settlement on the outskirts of Suva were tortured and ill-treated by the military because they had been discussing plans for a peaceful demonstration on March 4. Some family members and human rights activists went to ask for their release were threatened and beaten by soldiers at the army camp! The soldiers even warned the young men that they will be killed if they spoke to anyone about their treatment at the camp.

Don’t you agree that everyone should have the right to peacefully express their opinions and no one should be tortured???

YOU(th) can’t let the Fiji authorities get away with this – the world is watching!

Got 30 seconds? Say something to the Fiji President and Prime Minister & Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces - Add your name to the letter below and we will fax it to them. Don’t forget to share it with your friends

Got 30 minutes? Use the free space below to tell the Fiji authorities to stop the crackdown in your own words! We will fax your letter with your full name, age, and country.

The local Islamic Criminal Code was passed by the Aceh Provincial House of Representatives on Monday. It forbids a number of acts including alcohol consumption, gambling, intimacy between unmarried couples, adultery and fornication, and homosexuality.

“The new criminal bylaw flies in the face of international human rights law as well as provisions of the Indonesian constitution,” said Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific director.

“Stoning to death is particularly cruel and constitutes torture, which is absolutely forbidden under all circumstances in international law.”

Indonesia’s central government has indicated that the law may contravene Indonesia’s existing human rights protections under the country’s constitution.

“We welcome the concerns expressed by different levels of the Indonesian government about these laws,” Zarifi said. “But the proof is in the doing, and as long as these laws stay on the books they pose a serious threat to Indonesia’s international human rights obligations.”

Some of these provisions, particularly punishment by caning, are not new in Aceh and already violate international human rights standards on cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.

However, this is the first time that local legislators have included stoning to death (rajam) as a penalty for those who commit adultery. International human rights law and standards oppose the extension of the death penalty to new crimes.

Amnesty International has urged Aceh’s newly elected legislature, due to take office in October, to repeal the law as matter of urgent priority.

Amnesty International has also called on the new legislature to ensure that all local regulations in Aceh are in full conformity with international human rights law and standards, and other human rights provisions set out in the Indonesian Constitution and in the 1999 Law on Human Rights.

The Indonesian government should ensure that the decentralization process and regional autonomy does not come at the expense of human rights.

Local Islamic Law was gradually put in place in Aceh from 1999-2000 through various autonomy packages. Caning was introduced a few years ago as a punishment meted out by Islamic courts for offences such as gambling, theft and adultery. At least 31 men and four women convicted of gambling were caned under local Islamic law in Aceh in 2005 and at least eight people (five men and three women) convicted for gambling or adultery were caned in 2006.

More than 140,000 Karen civilians have been killed, tortured, forcibly displaced, sexually violated, forced to work, or otherwise subjected to widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law between November 2005 and November 2008. These violations amount to crimes against humanity yet this human rights crisis has received little attention from the international community. >>> Learn more: Crimes against humanity committed in eastern Myanmar

*Pic above: Burmese version of the text below
[[petition-2]]

The Karen are the second largest of the 135 ethnic minorities in Myanmar.They are of Sino-Tibetan origin and are usually Buddhists, Christians or animists. According to official statistics, nearly 3,500,000 Karen live in
Myanmar, with more than 830,000 residing in Kayin State in eastern
Myanmar.

Take action and do show your support to the Karen civilians >>>

What are crimes against humanity?
Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court2 defines crimes against humanity as certain acts that, irrespective of whether they are committed in times of war or peace, form part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population. Isolated acts do not amount to crimes against humanity, but where an individual commits a single act that is part of a idespread or systematic attack on civilians he or she may be guilty of committing crimes against humanity. Some of the acts referred to in Article 7 include: murder, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer of the population, imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law, torture, persecution and enforced disappearance.

Is Myanmar a party to the Rome Statute?
Myanmar is not a party to the Rome Statute, but the definition in this Statute of crimes against humanity, reflects rules of customary international law which are binding on all states, regardless of whether or not they are parties to the Rome Statute.

Why did the military offensive target civilians in eastern Myanmar?
The Myanmar armed forces offensive between November 2005 and November 2008 in eastern Myanmar does not seem to have been a security or counter-insurgency measure against the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) which is an armed group that operates in eastern Myanmar. The KNLA is the military wing of the Karen National Union (KNU). Instead there is evidence that the offensive primarily targeted civilians. The government has a long standing “Four Cuts” strategy, designed to destroy links that armed opposition groups have to food, financial support, recruits, and information. This strategy seems to have been implemented in eastern Myanmar and provides an explanation about why the Myanmar armed forces offensive violated international humanitarian law by targetting civilians.

Who are the KNU and the KNLA?
Since Myanmar gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1948, armed opposition groups from different ethnic minorities have fought against the central government for independence or greater autonomy. The KNU and its armed wing, the KNLA, were formed in 1949 with the aim of independence or greater autonomy for the Karen. While the majority of other ethnic armed groups have reached cease-fire arrangements with the government, which have granted them certain administrative powers over their territories, the KNU has continued to fight for a political settlement.

What sorts of crimes were committed against civilians in eastern Myanmar?
Many civilians in eastern Myanmar have been subjected to widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including unlawful killings;torture and other ill-treatment; enforced disappearances and arbitrary arrests; the imposition of forced labour, the destruction of homes and whole villages; and the destruction or confiscation of crops and food-stocks and other forms of collective punishment. A number of cases about forced labour, torture, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions are detailed below. For a full overview about the violations of international human rights and humanitarian law which were committed in eastern Myanmar please see the Amnesty International report titled “Crimes Against Humanity in Eastern Myanmar”.

Forced labour
Unpaid forced labour contravenes the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) Convention concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, 1930 (No. 29), which the government of Myanmar ratified in 1955. This has been a long standing issue in Myanmar as can be seen by a statement made by an ILO Commission of Inquiry in 1998:
“There is abundant evidence before the Commission showing the pervasive use of forced labour imposed on the civilian population throughout Myanmar by the authorities and the military for portering, the construction, maintenance and servicing of military camps, other work in support of the military, work on agriculture, logging and other production projects undertaken by the authorities or the military, sometimes for the profit of private individuals, the construction and maintenance of roads, railways and bridges, other infrastructure work and a range of other tasks, none of which comes under any of the exceptions listed in Article 2(2) of the Convention.”

In eastern Myanmar between November 2005 and November 2008 civilians including men and women, and on occasion children too, were regularly pressed into unpaid forced labour by the Myanmar army. The work they were forced to do included carrying heavy bags of ammunition or provisions for the soldiers, splitting rocks, cutting bamboo, cooking for soldiers and some were forced to take part in
military operations and made to walk in front of the soldiers to act as a human shield.

A 30 year old women from Papun District, Kayin State explained the impact of carrying out unpaid forced labour on her and her family:
“I ran away because the forced labour just became too much. At least one person has to go from the family – for example the wife goes if the husband is not there. Sometimes they ask for two people, in which case children have to do it too. During 2005 and 2006, we have had to work every single day. There has been no time to grow our own food, because almost everyone has to go. We have really
been facing starvation.”

Torture / ill-treatment as collective punishment -
Civilian villagers informed Amnesty International of acts which amount to torture and other ill-treatment that were used to collectively punish villagers for acts carried out by others.

For example a woman testified that in March 2005, she and all the others from her village in Hpa’an District, Kayin State were required to gather at the headman’s house, because a small device exploded outside their village. She made the following statement:
“Soldiers made all villagers stand up and sit down again and again in public… [They] were also beaten with big bamboo canes. There were no broken bones but lots of painful bruises and swelling. It was humiliating…”

Extrajudicial executions -
International humanitarian law, which governs non-international armed conflicts such as the one in eastern Myanmar, states that, those not taking active part in the hostilities must not be the target of attacks and that “violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds” is prohibited”.

Despite this Amnesty International received reports that at least 25 Karen civilians had been unlawfully killed by the 5 ILO: Forced labour in Myanmar (Burma), Commission of Inquiry, Official Bulletin, Vol. LXXXI, Series B, special supplement, 1998, para. 528.

Myanmar armed forces or a paramilitary group aligned with them between July 2005 and July 2007 in Kayin State and Bago Division. The reported extrajudicial executions took place in three ways, some civilians were executed in detention, others were shot on site, often when they were working in their fields and some were executed as a form of collective punishment.

Another example is the case of Tu Tu, a 22 year-old farmer who was returning home from his farm in Bago Division in December 2005. Soldiers detained and accused him of having links with the KNU or the KNLA on the basis that he was returning to his village at seven o’clock in the evening. His beaten body was later discovered nearby, with his throat slit and his mouth and teeth burned.

Enforced disappearances and risk of extrajudicial execution -
In March 2006, two students Then Nu aged 18 and Kar Bar aged 20 were reported to have been arbitrarily arrested in central Hpa’an District by the Myanmar armed forces after they got caught in crossfire between the KNLA and the Myanmar armed forces. Four months after this event a representative from Amnesty International spoke with some of the villagers, one gave the following report:
”The soldiers arrested them and accused them of being KNU, because they had soft hands and not rough ones like the farmers.The villagers tried to persuade the soldiers that they had soft hands because they were students. Nothing was heard of them since. I think that they were killed in the military camp in Leke”.

States have a duty to investigate violations of international human rights and humanitarian law States have the duty to prevent gross violations of international human rights law and serious violations of international humanitarian law that constitute crimes under international law. They also have the duty to investigate such violations effectively, promptly, thoroughly, and impartially, and where appropriate, to take action against those allegedly responsible in accordance with domestic and international law. They must provide victims with access to justice and effective remedies, including reparation.